By Simon Hornblower
This can be the second one quantity of a three-volume old and literary statement of the 8 books of Thucydides, the good fifth-century BC historian of the Peloponnesian conflict among Athens and Sparta. Books iv-v.24 disguise the years 425-421 BC and include the Pylos-Spakteria narrative, the Delion crusade, and Brasidas' operations within the north of Greece. This quantity ends with the Peace of Nikias and the alliance among Athens and Sparta. a brand new characteristic of this quantity is the total thematic advent which discusses such themes as Thucydides and Herodotus, Thucydide's presentation of Brasidas, Thucydides and kinship, speech-direct and indirect-in iv-v.24, Thucydides and epigraphy (including own names), iv-v.24 as a piece of artwork: cutting edge or basically incomplete? Thucydides meant his paintings to be "an eternal Possession" and the continued significance of his paintings is undisputed. Simon Hornblower's remark, by means of translating each passage of Greek commented on for the 1st time, permits readers with very little Greek to understand the element of Thucydides' concept and subject-matter. a whole index on the finish of the quantity.
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Extra info for A Commentary on Thucydides, Volume 2: Books IV-V. 24
BSA 84 (1989). 297-322 at 296. compare 321. 31 Introduction references dry up after book iii; on the contrary I believe (see below, p. 84) that Alcibiades' claim that his family were hostile to tyranny pre supposes Herodotus vi. 123 on the misoturannoi Alkmaionids. And Connor has detected a Herodotean similarity in the Melian Dialogue where v. 105. 2 on the law of the stronger resembles Xerxes at vii. 8; but that is a rather different sort of case, a similarity of sophistic argument, not an example of knowledge of the past taken from Herodotus.
2. n 20 Thucydides and Herodotus historians spent most of their time in travel, examining monuments, and talking to hundreds of informants*. Some of what Stroud says here about travel and informants I can only applaud. It seems to me, for instance, a better picture of Herodotus' methods than that offered by Detlev Fehling. But I do not feel quite as confident as Stroud about how exactly the three named historians spent 'most of their time'; and though I agree that Polybius travelled, examined monuments, talked to informants, I am unhappy about lumping him in like this with the two fifth-century historians.
Fornara, Kennelly relies heavily on Hdt. vi. 98, apparently implied knowledge of the death of Artaxerxes I in 424, and, for the very late 414 date, ix. 73 on Decelea. Kennelly needs to get rid of the obvious objection that even if those passages carry the implication Fornara thinks, Herodotus might have given recitations or otherwise given his material to the world informally and in advance of publication, whatever we mean by that word. He therefore rejects the recitation hypothesis. But to get rid of the recitation hypothesis it is not enough to ridicule the particular story in Diyllos (FGrHist 73 F3) about Herodotus' enormous fee for reciting at Athens.
A Commentary on Thucydides, Volume 2: Books IV-V. 24 by Simon Hornblower