By Peter Howarth
This is a desirable perception into China’s strategic skills and targets, probing the true depths of its plans for the twenty-first century. China's emerging Sea energy explores similarities among China’s strategic outlook at the present time and that of previous continental powers whose submarine fleets challenged dominant maritime powers for local hegemony: Germany in international Wars and the Soviet Union throughout the chilly warfare. utilizing insights from classical naval strategic conception, Peter Howarth examines Beijing’s strategic common sense in making tactical submarines the keystone of China’s naval strength constitution. He additionally investigates the impression of Soviet naval technique and old chinese language army suggestion at the PLA Navy’s strategic tradition, contending that China’s more and more able submarine fleet may play a key function in Beijing’s use of strength to solve the Taiwan factor. This booklet could be of significant curiosity to all scholars and students of protection and strategic reports, Asian politics, geopolitics and army (naval) procedure.
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Extra info for China's Rising Sea Power (The PLA Navy's Submarine Challenge) (Asian Security Studies)
In an emergency, the Xia could launch its missiles without putting to sea, and could plausibly pose a threat to US bases in Japan or South Korea – although even this threat would be mitigated by the deployment of a reliable theatre missile defence system. But high-value targets on the territory of the United States, including military bases on Guam, would be well 34 THE GEOPOLITICAL CONTEXT beyond their range. As Gill and Mulvenon (2000: 38) observe of China’s current sea-based nuclear deterrence system: The limited range of the [Jl-1] missile, the problems it has had in deployment and operation, and the limited experience of the Chinese in long-range submarine operations limits the value of this system as a strategic weapon.
From the perspective of sea power theory, the question that now arises is whether, having re-established its former dominance over continental East Asia, China is displaying the natural tendency of continental powers to want to transform their continental pre-eminence into maritime dominance (Gray 1995: 72). This theory would suggest that, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, China is in a position similar to that of France in 1793, Germany in 1905 and 1940, or the Soviet Union in 1945: pre-eminent continental powers in their respective regions, they found their aspirations to exercise uncontested regional hegemony frustrated by the great maritime powers of the era.
Their appointment marks a break from the tradition of appointing army officers to command the GSD (Ching 2004). Asserting Chinese sovereignty – the strategic importance of Taiwan and other offshore territorial claims In addition to its growing maritime dependence, China has another reason for pursuing its policy of modernising and expanding its naval forces: since the 1980s, Beijing has claimed sovereignty over the Spratly Islands, a lowlying system of islands and reefs in the South China Sea. In 1992, the Chinese Congress of People’s Deputies passed its law on the Territorial Sea and Contiguous Zone claiming the South China Sea as sovereign waters (Austin 1988: 53).
China's Rising Sea Power (The PLA Navy's Submarine Challenge) (Asian Security Studies) by Peter Howarth